Wartime Labour Relations Regulations
The Wartime Labour Relations Regulations,[1] adopted by Order in Council P.C. 1003 on 17 February 1944, was a wartime measure introduced during World War II in Canada by the Liberal government of Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King. It was the first in Canada to legally recognize the existence of unions and to force employers to negotiate with organized workers. It was drafted loosely on the American Wagner Act and is considered the framework for union rights in Canada. It was adopted under the War Measures Act, and was extended to cover all workers in Canada through adoption by Acts of all the provincial legislatures. This continued to be in effect until 1948, where the provinces all passed similar legislation within their respective jurisdictions.
History
Context
Labour unrest during the later years of the Second World War. The Canadian Congress of Labour was less politically active than an American counterpart, the American Federation of Labor.[2] The American Wagner Act passed in 1935, bringing in state protections for labour bargaining and forcing employer negotiations with certified labour unions. However, similar protections did not exist in Canada, and labour relations were governed through the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, which had limited protections for striking, only applied in certain workplaces, and did not cover labour disputes related to union formation.[3]
At the onset of the war, the Canadian government adopted a legislative change to Canada's Criminal Code, adding Section 502-A that made it a criminal offense for an employer to fire a lawful member of a trade union. However, without a good legislative definition of what a lawful union was, the offense was of limited effect. The onset of the war also saw an extension of the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act through regulation, extending it to apply to from 15% of Canada's industry to approximately 85%.[3]
In 1940, labour leaders had begun to approach labour minister Norman McLarty. Organized labour's approach to wartime labour was one of conciliatory approaches to labour disputes in order to suppport the war effort, and the minister signaled that he did not wish to see this goodwill lead to exploitation of labour.[3] As a result, 1940 saw the government make a declaration in P.C. 2685 stating that employees should be free to join unions, which was welcomed by organized labour leaders, but some shortcomings in behaviour by the Canada Board of Munitions and Supply led to the Canadian Congress of Labour to call for a Wagner-style law to be passed. The government responded by strengthening regulations, but did not adopt legislation. [3]
In 1941, the Board of Conciliation, a body struck to manage disputes under the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act, found that National Steel Car refused to allow unionization votes, identifying the lack of punitive measures in current regulations.[3]
The province of Ontario created a collective bargaining act in 1943, that won acclaim from both labour and employers with regards to its ability to prevent work stoppages.[3]
In February 1943, an investigation by a newly formed National War Labour Board sought to inquire broadly into pay and labour issues. The Board ultimately endorsed the adoption of a national labour relations board, analogous to the American equivalent, with the power to sanction infractions of wartime labour violations. The report further called for the suspension of the Industrial Disputes Investigation Act for the duration of the war, and instead ban strikes and lockouts.
Development and Adoption
The report of the National War Labour Board was tabled in the House of Commons in January 1944. The Prime Minister affirmed the right of the federal government to govern industrial relations during wartime and stated that "the Code of labour Relations will be enacted in the near future."[3][4]
Order-in-Council 1003 was adopted in early February 1944 as an emergency wartime measure.[5][6] The order itself contained extensive whereas clauses highlighting the interest of the country's defense in mutual negotiations between labour and business.[6]
When the war ended in 1945, the industries managed under the War Measures Act should no longer have been bound by Order 1003, but a transitional piece of legislation, the National Emergency Transitional Powers Act meant that the Order 1003 was extended until March 31st, 1947.
Contents
The contents of the order included some issues not covered by the Wagner Act, such as assigning government responsibility to aid negotiations. The order did not cover the issues of specific standards for the substance of labour agreements, instead focusing on the process by which bargaining is protected and agreements are ratified and enforced.[3] The order did not cover foremen or "professional" employees.
The order required "good faith" bargaining, but did not enable compulsory arbitration.[3]
The regulations posed both positive and negative consequences for workers and unions alike. Some of the former included:[8]
- Unions had guaranteed access to financial resources and support through the Rand formula, which required all workers under a union to pay union dues in exchange for a collective bargaining unit.
- Union density increased dramatically following the end of World War II.
- Unions were now legally recognized by federal law as a legal means of negotiating work terms and conditions with employers.
- Workers won the right to share in gains of increased productivity via higher wages and benefits.
- Promoted a virtuous cycle of production and consumption to produce economic growth based on Keynesian policies.
- Created a grievance procedure that placed strict limits on management's ability to treat a worker in an arbitrary manner.
Among adverse consequences there were the following:[9]
- Grievance procedures shifted power away from unions and collective workers to lawyers and arbitrators.
- Unions became extremely bureaucratic and less radical.[10]
- Workers agreed to Fordist/Taylorist working conditions and were expected to participate in increasing productivity.
- Unions shifted focus away from mobilizing and educating their workforce about political affairs and began focusing on policing the workers and acting as a middle-man between workers and employers.
- Union members became highly separated from the union representatives.
- Attempts to create and maintain a distinctive working class culture were largely abandoned.
- Wildcat and sympathy strikes were made illegal, and unionized workers had to follow an orderly fashion to engage in striking which meant no striking during periods of collective bargaining.
Legacy
The order is widely characterised as being the fundamental template for the Canadian labour legislative ecosystem.[11][5]
The order has been characterised as being insufficiently focused on uplifting labour rights of women and that the approach of the order focusing on individual workplaces eventually leading to the tendency of Canadian governments to be able to roll back public-sector labour protections. [11][12]
References
- Text of regulations
- "Organized labour - Establishment of industrial unionism | Britannica". www.britannica.com. Retrieved 2023-02-17.
- Fergusson, Neil Layton. "Collective bargaining and order in council P. C. 1003". escholarship.mcgill.ca. F. (Supervisor) Scott. Retrieved 2023-02-17.
- The Labour Gazette, Dec. 1943, P.16
- "Civilization.ca - Canadian labour history, 1850-1999 - Emergency measures P.C. 1003". www.historymuseum.ca. Retrieved 2023-02-17.
- Canada War Measures and Regulations PC 1003. https://guides.library.utoronto.ca/ld.php?content_id=34417172
- Tucker, Eric; Fudge, Judy (2010). The Freedom to Strike in Canada: A Brief Legal History.
- Black, E; Silver, J (2008). Building a Better World: An Introduction to Trade Unionism in Canada (2nd ed.) Fernwood Publishing, Halifax and Winnipeg
- Haiven, L. PC 1003 and the (Non) Right to Strike: A Sorry Legacy". In Cy Years of PC 1003 (Winnipeg/Halifax: Society for Socialist Studies/ Fernwood Publishing, 1995)
- Panitch, L; Swartz, D. The Assault on Trade Union Freedoms: From Consent to Coercion (3rd ed.) Toronto: Garamond Press, 2003.
- Fudge, Judy; Glasbeek, Harry (1995-01-01). "The Legacy of PC 1003". Canadian Labour and Employment Law Journal. Volume 3 (1995), p. 357-400.
- "Labour legacy in question (Retelling the story of - ProQuest". www.proquest.com. Retrieved 2023-02-17.